Nevertheless, he too noted apparent differences in how far census enumerators were prepared to include the work of women in the returns, and claimed that this made his figures for womenâs labour-force participation a low estimate. Most of the employment records available do not contain full names: the majority give initials, or even just the number of people working on a given day. Research on the villages around Halstead shows that straw plaiters most certainly were present, and in great numbers. She concluded that, of the married women working in the mill, ânot a great many evade [occupational] classificationâ, 49 since the majority of the women she traced were recorded as having the same occupation in the census returns and the employment records. 29, Much of what I said in my 1987 article about the influence of separate spheres ideology on womenâs work in the census related to the occupational tables in the published Census Reports , rather than to the data in the original household schedules and CEBs. But how on this scale does one find other sources to corroborate the evidence in the CEBs? 2, 1891, pp. In each of the years 1851, 1861, 1871 and in some cases 1881, more women were recorded as straw plaiters in the villages around Halstead than in any other female occupation. For instructions on how and where to apply, see the Recruitment Bulletin on the job page for each position. 89â117. 26 Perhaps when conceptualizing occupational structures in the period we ought to think as much about the worlds of William Cobbettâs Rural Rides and Henry Mayhewâs London Labour and the London Poor , as about that of Friedrich Engelsâs Manchester. View current Census Bureau regions/field employment opportunities on USAJobs.gov Employment vacancies currently available on the USAJobs.gov website for region/field jobs at the U.S. Census Bureau. The London censuses do, however, match closely other sources from the time, and they also clearly show the myriad positions, both regular and casual, that were open to women. It would appear, therefore, that the census, far from failing to show specialized labour patterns, shows them very clearly. I expressed similar reservations in Making Sense of the Census two years later. There was a significantly greater number of occupations listed on the 1851 census than in 1841 and they are shown below. 38 Jessica Gerrard, âInvisible Servants: the Country House and the Local Communityâ, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 57: 136, 1984, p. 178. Much home-work was done (as it still is) in the home, in the interstices of domestic labour, and might be invisible in official sources, as it was sometimes to husbands and children. Share your THOUGHTS! It is perhaps surprising, therefore, that she also claimed that it was the norm for enumerator bias to play a part in occupational enumeration, and that womenâs occupations were normally left blank, when her own findings suggested the opposite. He was not the only wheelwright but, with the importance of farming and of the horse and cart for travel, there would have been plenty of work, I expect. Religion. We are looking primarily at the very poorest women in society, and perhaps unsurprisingly these were the women who were suffering in the majority of cases with âexhaustion of melancholiaâ (what we would probably refer to now as severe, chronic depression). Hill and Rose appear not to have carried out any research on the source itself, Hill basing her comments on the work, primarily, of Davidoff and Hall, and a 1987 article of mine in History Workshop Journal , âWomen, Occupations and Work in the Nineteenth Century Censusesâ. In each asylum servants â housekeepers, housemaids, and the like â made up a disproportionately high number of recorded admissions. 1851 Census. 13 Edward Higgs, Making Sense of the Census: the Manuscript Returns for England and Wales, 1801â1901 , London, 1989, p. 81. The matches shown in Graph 1 relate to women who were recorded as being married or widowed on admittance to the asylums, and include both those who were recorded as having no occupation, and those who were employed. The levels of poverty and the bad living conditions experienced by many of the London working classes during the latter half of the nineteenth century were such that for large numbers of families, the âluxuryâ of the wife simply being a housewife and mother was not a possibility. An entry was considered a match if the details of occupation given in the patient register corresponded exactly with those in the CEBs, and ideally both in terms of address and kin. Allowance has to be made for the possibility that women's work was under-enumerated in the CEBs for both sets of communities, but the correlation between the types of work recorded in the census and the nature of the work known to have been available suggests that it is far more likely that both are actually recording women's occupations rather well. 46 Warley Hospital Patient Admissions, Essex Record Office: A/H 10/2/2â16; Norfolk Record Office: HH/18/1â5 to HH/22/1â4, SAH 175â180; Suffolk Record Office: ID 407/B1/4â7. Charles H Carel 1826 Charles H Carel, born Circa 1826. Without a knowledge of local economic and social conditions, to give one a feel for possible problems of underenumeration, and a grasp of the shifting administrative conventions of census tabulation, the use of these sources may be fraught with dangers. 64 However, on the evidence presented here these ideological limitations do not necessarily affect the raw returns in the CEBs. As regards the types of job shown in the census, if the CEBs were not recording casual and irregular womenâs work as has been suggested, then it might be expected that a relatively small number of occupations would appear: perhaps some tailoresses, a few shop-keepers, laundresses, charwomen, the odd nurse or midwife, a teacher or two per school, and so on. Per year, then, the numbers of observations were not large, but a general trend emerges. 59â80. 34. 2.1 The 1851 Census The earliest census that sought explicitly to differentiate employers from others was 1851. In 1851, householders were asked to give more precise details of the places of birth of each resident, to state their relationship to him or her, â¦ 63 Life and Labour of the People in London , 17 vols 1889â1903, ed. One of the reasons for starting this website was to see what Coates was like when my Great Grandfather worked there. June Purvis, London, 1995, pp. 47 These detail the physician's findings and the orders from the Justice of the Peace for the patients to be admitted. 25 Nor should we over-estimate how geographically widespread the large-scale factory production was, at least in the early part of the nineteenth century. 14 In 1999 Michael Anderson showed from research based on samples of the CEBs for Lancashire in 1851 that large numbers of women continued to work in the textile factories after they had married. 42 Edward Higgs, Making Sense of the Census Revisited. Saffron Hill shows its mixed fortunes as the number of married women carrying out paid work fluctuates, but forty percent of them are still recorded as working in 1901. Charles H Carel was born circa 1826, at birth place, to Mary Carel. Davidoff had herself, in a contribution to a collection in 1979, queried the Victorian separation of home and work in the case of landladies. Moreover, some of my criticisms of the recording of womenâs work in the census returns related not to under-enumeration but to mis-enumeration. Source : Census of England and Wales â Spitalfields, 1851â1901 . 52 Census of England and Wales 1861: Little Maplestead, TNA, RG9/1111. Whilst there is evidence of small numbers of women remaining in weaving, a study of the census for Spitalfields and Bethnal Green as a whole shows a decline from 12.7% of women working in silk weaving in 1851 to less than 2% by 1901, and 0.2% of women recorded as being employed in silk weaving by 1911. Martha Miller, for example, was recorded in the patient records as being a âBlacksmithâs wifeâ (therefore unemployed), but in the CEBs she was recorded as being âformerly a dressmakerâ. A comparison of the graphs reveals marked differences between these districts, and also distinct patterns in the enumeration of working women. To establish the accuracy of the enumeration of working women in London, however, it is appropriate not only to consider whether the patterns of occupational enumeration shown in the graphs mirror the changes in occupational opportunities known to have been available within the city, but also briefly to compare the results of this analysis with the results of the corresponding study discussed here, of the enumeration districts in the provincial towns. Box 434, Union, IL 60180 Phone: (815) 923-2267. Census name indexes and transcripts are available online. Each householder was required to complete a census schedule giving the address of the household, the names, ages, sex, occupations and places of birth of each individual residing in his or her accommodation. 26 The author wishes to thank Professor Sir Tony Wrigley for permission to quote this material from his forthcoming work The Path to Sustained Growth: Englandâs Transition from an Organic Economy to an Industrial Revolution . Despite extensive searches through the wage books and employment records held in regional record offices across the east of England and London, very few suitable sources have been found. 5 Instead they based their analysis of womenâs participation in the labour force on family budgets in the works of contemporary social commentators, Parliamentary Papers, working-class autobiographies, and similar sources. 54 Census of England and Wales 1861: Pebmarsh, TNA, RG9/1111. Economic Census - Puerto Rico data are not comparable to U.S. Economic Census data; Value Flags-Either no or too few sample observations were available to compute an estimate, or a ratio of medians cannot be calculated because one or both of the median estimates falls in the lowest or upper interval of an open ended distribution.
House number or name; Name of each person that had spent the night in that household; Relationship of person enumerated to the head of the family; Person's marital status In 2018, Scottsdale, AZ had a population of 246k people with a median age of 47 and a median household income of $84,601. Lown repeated this argument in her Women and Industrialisation , p. 91, n. 29. (These last probably relate to the districtâs proximity to Hatton Garden, the jewellery district). 43 Now that the British census returns for the Victorian and Edwardian periods are available for downloading online via the Integrated Census Microdata (IâCeM) project ( http://www.essex.ac.uk/history/research/icem/default.htm ) a more systematic examination of womenâs employment from the CEBs has become possible. Profession, commerce ou occupation. This might suggest a decline in marriage in the area. Simon Szreter, Arunachalam Dharmalingam and Hania Sholkamy, Oxford, 2004, pp. However, such work was not confined to women. 11 Jane Humphries and Carmen SarasÃºa, âOff the Record: Reconstructing Women's Labor Force Participation in the European Pastâ, Feminist Economics 18: 4, 2012, pp. However, by 2005, when a revised and updated version of this work was issued as Making Sense of the Census Revisited, although still cautious I struck a more positive note, claiming that âin the absence of alternative sources, the census enumeratorsâ books are still our best source for understanding the economic activities of women in the Victorian periodâ. 61 The picture is of an entire workforce wiped out by changing trade patterns, its fate mirrored perfectly in the CEBs, and clearly evident in the steep decline in occupied women in the graphs. 56. She was still unemployed but more detail was given in the CEBs in this instance. It was then possible to use this information to trace many of these women in the relevant censuses, and to compare how well the occupational details in the registers matched those in the CEBs. At its peak in 1861 the enumeration district was home to over 700 women. In 1801â31 the forms (only headcounts) were filled in for parishes by local overseers. Very few of those which do provide names will give addresses, or any other means of categorically identifying individual workers. Whilst this could be described as a match of employment status rather than of occupation, this in itself is still a valuable result, since it is important to match those who were not working as well as those who were, if a full picture of employment status is to be obtained through the study of the censuses. Source : Censuses of England and Source: Censuses of England and Wales, 1851â1901 . The usual womenâs jobs are all in evidence, dressmaker, charwoman, domestic servant, and so on, but in 1881 alone thirty-six job titles appear for the first time, including velvet-coat maker and paste fitter. The following information was requested: Name of street, place, road, etc. Local Population Studies: 260 â68. 19. The percentage of women in Camberwell St. George enumerated as working or having no occupation. Sections: Sources of data Gender Ages Relationships. The findings summarized in Graphs 2â5 suggest that the census offers a window into womenâs work in London during the nineteenth century, and accurately tracks the changes in occupational opportunities that women experienced
8 Edward Higgs, âWomen, Occupations and Work in the Nineteenth-century Censusesâ, History Workshop Journal 23, 1987, pp. However, a detailed revision of the figures to provide a total for the number of all persons economically active in Britain from the nineteenth-century censuses is plainly beyond the scope of an article such as this. Nigel Goose, Hatfield, 2007, p. 39. The Victorian enumerators collected the household schedules and copied them into census enumeration books (CEBs), and then dispatched these to the officials at the GRO. Enumerators could be women from 1891. Farmer Of 20 Acres Of Land Tilled By Himself & Family, Farmer Of 2 Acres Land And Landed Proprieter, Farmer Of 20 Acres Land Worked By Himself & Sons, Farmer Of 220 Acres Employing 4 Men And 1 Boy, Farmer Of 113 Acres Employing 2 Labourers, Farmer Of 5 Acres Of Land Tilled By Himself, Farmer Of 37 Acres (Employing 1 Labourer), Farmer Of 20 Acres (Employing 1 Labourer). 51 Census of England and Wales 1861: Castle Hedingham, TNA, RG9/1112. ... 1851 England & Wales Census. 28 Some of these authors however, as already noted, draw directly upon my own work to point to the supposed problematic nature of the census as a source. The precise instruction was:1 Source : Census of England and Wales â Saffron Hill, 1851â1901 . The same can be said of other casual and seasonal occupations such as wood cutters and straw bonnet makers, charwomen, rag sorters and hawkers. The census returns contains: name, age, occupation, relationship to the head of household, date of marriage, education/literacy, absent family members, family members who died since 1841 and other information. 31. However, such categories disappeared from the published tables from 1881 onwards, and women working in the home were also placed in a new âUnoccupiedâ class. A system of orders and sub-orders 39 Celia Miller, âThe Hidden Workforce: Female Field Workers in Gloucestershire, 1870â1901â, Southern History 6, 1984, pp. I covered a lot of ground, bringing a good deal of evidence to bear on my subject, but my overall conclusion was not in fact a direct rejection of the usefulness of the census records, while some of my arguments were perhaps, with hindsight, not as grounded as they might have been. In the course of her research, Lown attempted to cross reference the details of the workers she had found in the Courtauld employment registers with the census returns of 1861. However, despite such problems, in my 1987 article I counselled using the census returns with care, rather than steering clear of the source a together: The conclusion to be drawn from this work is that it is necessary to treat the occupational information in the manuscript census enumeratorsâ books with caution, and that the historianâs use of the published census reports should be even more circumspect. 37 John W. Walton and P. R. McGloin, âHoliday Resorts and their Visitors: Some Sources for the Local Historianâ, The Local Historian 13: 6, 1979, p. 328. This article is in two parts. 33 Higgs, âWomen, Occupations and Workâ, p. 69. Ellen Ross noted that A. L. Bowleyâs pre-First World War study, which examined working households in twelve British towns, found that, âonly about five percent of unskilled workersâ households could survive on the manâs wages aloneâ. Canadian Census Collection, 1851-1916. Rose, âGender at Work: Sex, Class and Industrial Capitalismâ, History Workshop Journal 21, 1986, p. 116. This has created difficulties when small-scale research studies are then used to generalize about the enumeration of womenâs work. 53 In a cluster of four villages studied in the Halstead area the only one which did not follow the trend was Pebmarsh. Therefore, she suggested that the women concerned were not considered to be fully engaged in employment, and that their occupations thus did not need to be reported in the census returns. The fact that the figures are as high as they are makes it improbable that there were large numbers of women whose formal work had gone unrecorded by the census. 47 Notice of Admission, Warley Hospital, 1871: Warley Hospital Patient Admissions, Essex Record Office, A/H 10/2/11/3/6. , ed. 1851 Canadian Census Form PERSONAL CENSUSâENUMERATION DISTRICT, NO. Lieu de résidence si situé a lâextérieur des limites. 36 Judith Lown, âGender and Class during Industrialisation: a study of the Halstead Silk Industry in Essex, 1825â1900â unpublished PhD thesis, University of Essex, 1983, p. 335. 33 However, these may again be problems associated primarily with the published tables, and might easily be adjusted for when considering the original manuscript returns. For 1841â1901, householders (they didn't have to be male but often were) filled out household schedules, which were then copied, and probably simplified, by enumerators into the special enumeration books for dispatch to the Census Office in London. Lownâs argument would initially appear well founded, but her findings were misleading due to the problems related to using a small sample in a restricted locality. However, the figures for 1901 may skew the result due to the dramatic decline in population in the area between 1891 and 1901. The probable reason for the high match rate between the two sets of sources, is explained by some of the Warley records for 1871. Nigel Goose, Hatfield, 2007, p. 39. 22 Higgs, Making Sense of the Census, pp. sons (including slaves) engaged in each of three great classes of occupations, namely~ agriculture, commerce, and manufactures: Hereâs a more complete list if you really want to get into detail, and oh such detail 52 Years an [â¦] The extent of womenâs employment, its reach beyond the categories of the Census, its value for family survival and economic productivity and for the shape and timing of the Industrial Revolution (as Maxine Berg and Pat Hudson so thoroughly documented) were our purpose and project; we were arguing for the inclusion of womenâs work in Labour and Social History and for the economic and political value of womenâs labour in and outside the home, especially that of married, widowed and older women. 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